Nicolaas was die seun van die stamvader Pieter Jansz van der Westhuizen en Maria Hendriks Winkelhausen.
Cape Town Baptisms 1679
Written by transcribed by
Richard Ball and Corney Keller. Posted in Cape Town Baptisms 1665-1695
Den 7 Maei
Claes
Pieter Janssen van
Westhuisen en Maria Pieters
Die W.A. van der Stel-Vryburger konfrontasie was vanaf 1705-1707. Hierdie stryd het hoofsaaklik oor die reg van grondbesit gegaan. Aanvanklik was VOC-amptenare nie toegelaat om te boer nie, omdat hul mededinging die boere finansieël kon knak, maar Van der Stel en bykans al die hooggeplaaste VOC-amptenare het op hul eie plase geboer. Mettertyd het hulle ook tot die mark wat alreeds swak was toegetree en die gewone boere het met hul produkte gesit.
Die VOC administrasie van die Kaap is as
korrup en voorskrywend gesien. Adam Tas
en Henning Hüsing het ‘n petisie opgestel,
wat die plaaslike VOC amptenare daarvan beskuldig het dat hulle die kompanjie se
handelsmonopolie misbruik het. Een zekere Adam Tas heeft een dagboek bijgehouden en hij heeft samen met zijn oom Henning Husing (Tas was zijn secretaris, Husing was dus meer de initiator) een “klagskrif” aan De Zeven Provinciën geschreven met vele pagina’s vol klachten over de Gouverneur Willem Adrriaan van der Stel. Deze van der Stel had tegen alle afspraken in zelf (met VOC-geld) een gigantische boerderij opgezet en concurreerde daarmee heel vals met de Hugenoten, die hun producten nauwelijks of niet meer kwijtkonden aan de VOC. (http://cilliers.webs.com/Paul%20en%20Elizabeth%20Couvret%20naar%20Kaap%20de%20Goede%20Hoop.pdf)
Tas het 63 van die 550 Kaapse Vryburgers oorreed
om dit te teken. Sonder om die plaaslike
amptenare in kennis te stel, is die getekende petisie direk na die VOC
hoofkantore in Amsterdam gestuur. Abraham Bogaerts heeft bij een bezoek aan
de Kaap het Klagskrift-document
meegesmokkeld naar Nederland (hieronder een stukje over wie heeft getekend en de hele situatie beschreven. Daaruit lees je hoe erg het
eigenlijk was en wat Van der Stel allemaal deed om de kritiek op hem
ongedaan te maken (tot zware martelingen aantoe). (http://cilliers.webs.com/Paul%20en%20Elizabeth%20Couvret%20naar%20Kaap%20de%20Goede%20Hoop.pdf)
(http://cilliers.webs.com/Paul%20en%20Elizabeth%20Couvret%20naar%20Kaap%20de%20Goede%20Hoop.pdf)
Die petisie was verwerp en Van der Stel het van die bestaan daarvan bewus geraak. Stappe is teen die Vryburgers ingestel om hulle aanklagte terug te trek. Tas is op 28 February 1706 gevange geneem en na Kaapstad geneem waar hy veroordeel was. Het was een lastige en langdurige kwestie en een aantal mensen moest de gevangenis in. Heel veel ondertekenaars werden verhoord en na martelingen en dagen in een donker hol opnieuw verhoord. (http://cilliers.webs.com/Paul%20en%20Elizabeth%20Couvret%20naar%20Kaap%20de%20Goede%20Hoop.pdf)
As early as their first examination some were so terrified by Starrenburg's threats of the ‘sterner measures’ in store, that they did all that was asked of them. Others must first pass days or weeks in prison, and hear of the ‘Black Hole’ and the banishment to Mauritius that would be their lot, should they decline to ‘recant.’ Two of their number, the refugees, Jacques de Savoye and P. de Meyer, must first, like van der Heiden, make the acquaintance of the ‘Black Hole,’ before they could be induced to answer. Others, like Klaas van der Westhuizen and Cloete, received sentence of banishment, and were conveyed on board the Mauritius packet, then anchored in the Bay. And this for the sole purpose of making them ‘recant’! (Adam Tas, Dagboek (eds. Leo Fouché, A.J. Böeseken, vert. J.P. Smuts). Van Riebeeck-Vereniging, Kaapstad 1970. P. 283)
Van der Stel het `n getuigskrif opgestel wat tevredenheid met sy administrasie uitspreek en ook van sy goeie karakter en eerlikheid getuig. Persone wat geweier het om te teken, is ondermeer gedreig dat hulle van hul grond ontneem sou word. Die meeste van die boere wat geteken het, het later verklaar dat alhoewel hulle ontevrede was met Van der Stel se wanbestuur, hulle bang was dat hulle hul grond sou verloor. The first of the colonists to experience the persecuting zeal of the Landdrost, Starrenburg, was his own stepfather, Wessel Pretorius; Starrenburg procured his arrest under circumstances of gross treachery and committed him to prison in the Castle. This was the first encroachment upon the jurisdiction of the Fiscal Independent, who, being wholly in the Governor's power, suffered it to pass without protest. It was not the last, however, for others speedily follow Pretorius to the dungeons of the Castle - van der Heiden, Klaas van der Westhuizen, Christiaan Wynoch, Hans Conterman, and Klaas Meyboom; and a few weeks later Jacques de Savoye, Pieter de Meyer, Jacob Cloete, Jacob Louw, and some others. These are the men whose ‘Confessions’ are published by van der Stel in the Defence. (Adam Tas, Dagboek (eds. Leo Fouché, A.J. Böeseken, vert. J.P. Smuts). Van Riebeeck-Vereniging, Kaapstad 1970. P. 285)
The
case of Klaas van der Westhuizen is also more than ordinarily instructive. His retractation
is given in the Defence, and purports to have been furnished upon
the 8th April. What actually happened is
told us by the Landdrost and conveyed to the Castle, where he lay fourteen days
in prison before being examined. After his examination he was carried on board
the ship ‘'t Huis ter Aa,’ in readiness for deportation to the Mauritius, his
place of banishment. ‘Three months long must he abide in durance, albeit
at his hearing before their Honours the Worshipful the Council of Justice he did
study for to answer none otherwise than a Deponent did conceive to accord with their
disposition, to the which Deponent do declare to have been brought by reason of the
continual threatenings wherewith he was threatened for to be sent in banishment to Mauritius,
which the general misusage of his brethren did likewise also move him thereunto.’ He further avers that during his examination
the Landdrost snatched the list of questions
from the hands of Poulle, the Secretary, and ‘betwixt the lines that was already
writ did set in something, but what he writ Deponent knoweth not even to this
day; upon the which the Secretary Poulle,’ (after the papers had been returned to
him), exclaimed, ‘Monsieur the Landdrost, that can I not answer to,’ to which Starrenburg
replied: ‘What I can answer to, I know.’ (Adam Tas, Dagboek (eds. Leo Fouché, A.J. Böeseken, vert. J.P. Smuts). Van Riebeeck-Vereniging, Kaapstad 1970. P. 295)
We
have here, in the first place, the explanation of the prisoner's recantation;
it was nothing
but fear that made him withdraw. In the
second place we have an instance of the shameless manner in which Starrenburg,
in the witness's very presence, falsifies his answers. The story sounds
incredible, but anyone who cares to take the trouble may assure himself of the
truth of van der Westhuizen's declaration, as the original records of his
trial, preserved in the Cape Archives, completely bear out what he here tells
us. The
original questions are drafted in a hand that is not Starrenburg's, and at Question
46 we find that Starrenburg has deleted certain sentences and written in another
above, apparently with a view to incriminating Pieter Meyer and Willem Mensing. (Adam Tas, Dagboek (eds. Leo Fouché, A.J. Böeseken, vert. J.P. Smuts). Van Riebeeck-Vereniging, Kaapstad 1970. P. 297)
Nicholaas or Claas, must have farmed somewhere in the Cape Peninsula, possibly with his father, for he married relatively late in his life at 28 years. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
Nicholaas or Claas, must have farmed somewhere in the Cape Peninsula, possibly with his father, for he married relatively late in his life at 28 years. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
Claes trou op 7 November 1706 met Catharina Olivier die dogter van Ockert Corneliszoon Olivier en
Aletta Verwey. Van die begin af het die Oliviers Luther gevolg en hulle moes weens vervolging hulle oorspronklike vaderland Frankryk verlaat en na Holland Ierland en Engeland vlug. Ockert Olivier, afkomstig van Oudekerk in Nederland was die broer van Hendrik Olivier. Hy het in 1679 met Alida Verwey van Woerden getrou by wie hy 13 kinders gehad het. (Redelinghuys, J.H.: Die Afrikaner-familienaamboek, Kaapstad, 1955)
Cape Town Marriages 1706
Written by transcribed by
Corney Keller. Posted in Cape Town Marriages 1696 to 1712
7 Nov:
Claas vande Westhuijsen van
Cabo jongm: met Catrina
Olivier
van Cabo jongd:
Die uiteinde van die klagskrif was dat Willem Adriaan van der Stel en van sy volgelinge van hul poste onthef en na Holland teruggeroep is. Uiteindelijk kregen de vrijburgers vanuit Nederland gelijk en is Van der Stel ontslagen. (http://cilliers.webs.com/Paul%20en%20Elizabeth%20Couvret%20naar%20Kaap%20de%20Goede%20Hoop.pdf)
On Saturday, 16 April 1707, the Kattendyk anchored at Table Bay, bringing the official news (of 30.10.1706) that the Company’s top officials were recalled to the Netherlands. They included the Governor, the Secunde Elzevier, Predikant Kalden, Stellenbosch Landdrost Starrenburg and Francois van der Stel (Franken 1978:100, 103). Though Elzevier desired to stay on at the Cape as a private resident, he was refused. Elsenburg was managed for him by a capable citizen till 1718. A few months earlier, the ship Pieter en Paul entered the Bay before Cape Town on 20 February 1707. It carried private letters of the decision of the Lords 17, which was still to arrive. Wilhelm van der Stel also received a communication of what was to follow. Consternation and joy engulfed the Cape. Distressed officials like Secunde Elzevier soon set the wheels turning. In haste he sold-off Bethlehem two months later in April 1707 to Claas van de Westhuizen. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
On Saturday, 16 April 1707, the Kattendyk anchored at Table Bay, bringing the official news (of 30.10.1706) that the Company’s top officials were recalled to the Netherlands. They included the Governor, the Secunde Elzevier, Predikant Kalden, Stellenbosch Landdrost Starrenburg and Francois van der Stel (Franken 1978:100, 103). Though Elzevier desired to stay on at the Cape as a private resident, he was refused. Elsenburg was managed for him by a capable citizen till 1718. A few months earlier, the ship Pieter en Paul entered the Bay before Cape Town on 20 February 1707. It carried private letters of the decision of the Lords 17, which was still to arrive. Wilhelm van der Stel also received a communication of what was to follow. Consternation and joy engulfed the Cape. Distressed officials like Secunde Elzevier soon set the wheels turning. In haste he sold-off Bethlehem two months later in April 1707 to Claas van de Westhuizen. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
In 1707 word Claes die eienaar van die plaas “Bethlehem” in Banghoek, Stellenbosch, wat hy van Samuel Elsevier koop. Banghoek is die klein valley aan die oostelike end van die Helshoogte pas.
Claas van de (sic) Westhuizen was described as “Vryburger en Landbouwer”, buying the “plaatz oft hofsteede genaamd Bethlehem … in de district van Draakenstein aan de Simonsbergen” with the Dwars River on its north (T.53, 5.4.1707). An average price of ƒ2700 Indiese valuation was asked, of which Claas paid ƒ300 in cash, the remainder to be paid in four instalments of ƒ600 each to the Company (!), starting in 1708 (Mortgage, T.54, 5.4.1707). Both documents were signed by Willem van der Stel, Willem Helot, the secretary and Adriaan van Reede, while Claas signed the mortgage with a cross [ X ] (FIG.38). On the same date of registration, Claas also acquired a male slave from Elzevier for 80 Rxd 60 “ligte stuiwers”. Due to the scrawled handwriting, the name is not clear, but the slave [Birou?] was from Madagascar (T.52, 5.4.1707). (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
Claas and Catharina Olivier had 11 children between 1709 and 1734. The following children were born at Bethlehem and baptized presumably at Stellenbosch Church (DV&P 1981:1120/1): 1. Pieter (3.2.1709) 2. Maria Magdalena (16.1.1710) married Gerrit Olivier of Rustplaas, Riebeeck Kasteel 3. Aletta (15.1.1713) who died young, probably in the small pox epidemic of 1713 4. Nicolaas (24.6.1714) 5. Cornelis (30.8.1716) 6. Petrus (4.9.1718) 7. Aletta (23.6.1720), born at Strand married (27.12.1744) Pieter van der Bijl of De Vyffontein, Swartland. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
Claas slowly built up the farm, which was as most, of mixed arable type, i.e. cereals, vineyards, and stock to fertilize the land. In 1709 he is listed with two sons (one must have died early) and two male slaves to assist on the land, with Khoi also available. With greater access to the free markets, he kept in a kraal 30 cattle and 300 sheep. From 8000 vines he produced a good 6 leaguers of wine, which indicate a wine-cellar and pressing 74 equipment. His 6 horses indicate a stable, possibly part of a barn for the cereals and straw, including 40 mud corn. He owned the usual musket, pistol and sword, all part of his official duties for the annual militia mustering. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
In 1710 was daar maar min inwoners in die area. There were only 543 of which 348
were Europeans (Whites) and 195 slaves. The village consisted of about a dozen
or more houses, the Drosdty on the island, the Church and churchyard, a mill
and a school. The Eerste River supplied the water for drinking and households,
irrigating the vegetable and fruit gardens, and it also fed the mill and turned
the wheel. In 1707 the first prison was built.
Stellenbosch
in 1710, had a disastrous fire on 17 December, which
swept through the village and destroyed most of the settlement. It was a
terrible blow for the whole community.
In 1711 we read that the burghers were busy rebuilding their houses. (De Beer, Karel: De Beer family history in the Western Cape.) Claes leen in 1710 ‘n som van 800 gulden van die kerkraad van Stellenbosch, waarskynlik om sy huis te vergroot of te herbou.
Cape Muster Roll of 1712
Written by transcribed by Richard Ball. Posted in Cape Archives VC Lists
Drakenstein
Claas van de Westhuijsen & Catharina Olivier
Samuel Walter & Maria van de Westhuijsen
Jan van de Westhuijsen
Hendrik van de Westhuijsen
Pieter van de Westhuijsen & Eva Ligthart
Pieter van de Westhuijsen de jonge
Barent van de Westhuijsen & Sophia Appel
Over the next few years, progress was slow, but steady, as revealed in the 1712 tax-return. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
Monsterrolle van Vryburgers aan Drakenstein - 31/12/1712 – Claes & Catharina. 11k. Catarina bap. 11.7.1683 x 7.11.1706 Nicolas v. d. Westhuizen (VC 604) Lived on farm Bethlehem in Drakenstein (Resoluten Vol. 5 P. 180) Joint will dated 16.5.1736 (C.J. 2607 No. 38) lists all children accept Ocker, Pieter and Aletta. (Nicolas signed with X.) het transc van troue
Monsterrolle van Vryburgers aan Drakenstein - 31/12/1712 – Claes & Catharina. 11k. Catarina bap. 11.7.1683 x 7.11.1706 Nicolas v. d. Westhuizen (VC 604) Lived on farm Bethlehem in Drakenstein (Resoluten Vol. 5 P. 180) Joint will dated 16.5.1736 (C.J. 2607 No. 38) lists all children accept Ocker, Pieter and Aletta. (Nicolas signed with X.) het transc van troue
Kort daarna, in Maart 1713 was daar 'n smallpox epidemie. In 1713 a terrible calamity fell upon the
country. In March of this year the small-pox made its first appearance in South
Africa. It was introduced by means of some clothing belonging to ships' people
who had been ill on the passage from India, but who had recovered before they
reached Table Bay. This clothing was sent to be washed at the Company's slave
lodge, and the women who handled it were the first to be smitten. The Company
had at the time about five hundred and seventy slaves of both sexes and all
ages, nearly two hundred of whom were carried off within the next six months.
From the slaves the disease spread to the Europeans and the natives. In May and
June there was hardly a family in the town that had not some one sick or dead.
Traffic in the streets was suspended, and even the children ceased to play
their usual games in the squares and open places. At last it was impossible to
obtain nurses, though slave women were being paid at the rate of four to five
shillings a day. All the planks in the stores were used, and in July it became
necessary to bury the dead without coffins. The disease spread into the
country, but there, though the death rate among the white people was very high,
the proportion that perished was not so large as in the town. It was easier to
keep from contact with sick persons. Some families living in secluded places
were practically isolated, and the farmers in general avoided moving about. (http://www.eggsa.org/sarecords/index.php/civil-registration-deaths/15-introduction/253-muster-roll-1713-introduction)
During the early fall of April 1713, a ship arrived with sailors sick with small-pox. Their clothes were washed by slaves in the stream above Cape Town, also contaminating the drinking water. Consequently many slaves and Europeans died. The Khoi living in a kraal against Vlaggeberg, and those in the Peninsula fled with their stock to the interior, spreading the disease as they went, exterminating thousands of them (Malherbe, et al 1996:8). From here after all farmers, including Claas would have to rely heavily on slave labour and knechten to accomplish their work.
During the early fall of April 1713, a ship arrived with sailors sick with small-pox. Their clothes were washed by slaves in the stream above Cape Town, also contaminating the drinking water. Consequently many slaves and Europeans died. The Khoi living in a kraal against Vlaggeberg, and those in the Peninsula fled with their stock to the interior, spreading the disease as they went, exterminating thousands of them (Malherbe, et al 1996:8). From here after all farmers, including Claas would have to rely heavily on slave labour and knechten to accomplish their work.
(https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
In 1713 het Claes van der Westhuizen 9 pond
begrafnisgelde vir drie kinders aan die koster van Stellenbosch oorbetaal.
He “prospered” to such a degree that he could buy the farms of Parel Vallei (120m) and Paarde Vallei (40m 65r²) on the same day (27.10.1717, T.1203 & T. 1208) (Van der Bijl 1963:60). Both farms were well-to-do and belonged to Frans van der Stel, one of the most hated men at the Cape in 1707. He was called Don Francisco by the French, or otherwise Jonker Francois (Böeseken 1964:234). He was forced to leave the Cape in April 1708, but his wife Johanna Wessels looked after his interests till 1717 (Ibid.:235), when Claas bought the farms. In mid-1717 Landdrost Nicolaas van den Heuvel reigned over the Stellenbosch district. He was already in the soup as a Company official, when in 1716 he bought two morgen of garden land in Cape Town. He justified it as necessary for him to overnight his carriage and 6 horses, when he had to report to the Castle authorities (Biewenga 1999:51)(FIG.39). Van den Heuvel was already planning his retirement to become a farmer in 1717, when Frans van der Stel’s two properties came on the market. As he was not allowed to own farmland, he induced Claas van de Westhuizen to buy the two farms and when it was registered in his name, Van den Heuwel had retired from his Company post. Therefore he could buy and register (22.11.1717) the two farms a month later from Claas! (Van der Bijl 1963:60). I presume that after 1719, Claas and his family acquired another farm in the Cape, possibly near Riebeeck Kasteel. (https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
Reference code: C. 42, pp.
53-74.
Dingsdagh den 15e Junij
1717, voor de middagh.
Welk versoek de supplten. seer vreemd is voorgekomen om redenen dat beijde de colonien zoo veele jaaren aan den anderen verbonden en in combinatie zijn geweest, vervolgens ook alle de inkomsten en ongelden equaal hebben moeten gedragen, want genoegsaam kennelik is dat die van Stellenbosch alle haare inkomsten bij die van Drakensteijn nevens de haare hebben opgezet, en jegenwoordigh nogh vrij wat onkosten aan 't voltooijen van 't raadhuijs van Stellenbosch staande gedaan te werden, zoude het een volkomen strijdige saak wesen in dien de Drakensteijnsse heemraden zigh van die onkosten door separatie sogten te ontslaan door dien 't opbouwen van 't raadhuijs en alle andere lasten beijde colonien even na aangaan, dewijl de heemraden van Stellenbosch en Drakensteijn een collegie uijtmaken en 't huijs van den Eerw. predikant te Drakensteijn ook uijt de inkomsten van beijde colonien tot dus verre is gevordert en opgebouwt. Weshalven de supplten. (onder correctie) van gevoelen zijn dat ër zonder merkelijk nadeel aan d' eene of de andere colonie toe te voegen, geen separatie tusschen beijde de colonien zal konnen geschieden, want het district van Drakensteijn, niet na sijn oude terrain, maar zoodanigh geconsidereert werdende als het thans bij de Drakensteijnse heemraden, zonder ooijt geschiede liemietscheijdinge, begroot wert, zouden derselver schaapen en beeste gelden ongelijk meer bedragen als die van Stellenbosch, en bijgevolge dese colonie grootelijx benadeelt werden en veele inwoonders van Stellenbosch onder het zoo bij haar gen. district van Drakensteijn hunne veeposten bezittende, vermeenen zij heemraden van Drakensteijn dat alle de zedert veele jaaren landewaart in opgeregte posten onder hun district specteeren, daar als dan 't getal hunner ingesetenen bij na nogh eens zoo groot zoude zijn als der van Stellenbosch. Dierhalven versoeken de supplten. zeer ootmoedigh dat bij aldien Uwe Wel Edele Gestr. en E. Achtbe. zouden gelieven goed te vinden dat de cassa van beijde colonien zoude werden gesepareert, Uwe Wel Ede. Gestr. en E. Achtb. als dan in overweginge gelieven te nemen der supplt. zeer eerbiedig[e] voorstellinge of in cas van separatie der gem. kassa door een omtrent gelijke schijdinge der limieten, niet ook de revenuen beijder colonien eenigsints equaal gestelt zouden werden, en de supplten. 't volgende concept van limiet scheijdinge genomen hebbende, oordeelen (onder correctie) dat met de meeste equaliteijt beijder colonien het district van Drakensteijn uijt het volgende terrain zoude konnen bestaan, namentlijk van Betlehem, de post van Claas van der westhuijsen af, de Fransse Hoek in langs de Bergrievier na onderen tot Borgersdrift toe, waar onder begreepen zoude zijn de plaats van Hendrik Scheffer, wijders het land langs het gebergte tot Matthijs Kriegel, dat van Jurgen Kervel, weduwe Talifer, en soo aan die kant langs de Perel regt aan tusschen de Bergrivier en 't pad van 't Riebeeks Casteel tot aan Burgers Drift, en zoo voort de Borgersdrift door aan de oostzijde van de Bergrievier en verders tot aan dese zijde van de 24 Rievieren, en soo na boven tot aan 't gebergte van 't Land van Waveren, bijgevolge dit gantsche Land van Waveren en de Breede Rievier onder 't district van Drakensteijn zoude komen. Hy was die seun van Pieter van der westhuijsen en Maria Hendriks en is in 1679 aan die Kaap gebore. Hy was getroud met Catharina Olivier. (Sien C.J.2607: Testamenten, Codicillen &a., 1735-1737, no. 38, pp. 197-202). (http://databases.tanap.net/cgh/main.cfm?artikelid=22091&zoekwoord=westhuijsen)
Claes se suster Helena Segers, het die skoonmoeder geword van Nicolaas van den Heuvel, wat in 1719 die plaas ‘Bethlehem’ gekoop het.
Nicolaas den Heuvel
then bought Bethlehem (sic) from Claas
van de Westhuizen and it was registered on 24.4.1719 (T.1288), as
“Hofsteede genaamt Betlehem” (sic), everything on it “aard en nagelvast” for a
low ƒ1000, “den laasten penning bij den eersten”. Claas again signs with a
cross [ + ]. By all standards
Nicolaas was very prosperous. Buildings on the farm would have been numerous
and well-kept.
(https://sahris.sahra.org.za/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf, P.76)
Uit die April 1720 opgaaf is
die volgende inskrywing vir Claes van
Drakenstein en Catharina Olivier: 3
seuns; 1 dogter; 4 manlike slawe; 2 vroulike volwasse slawe; 10 perde;
50 beeste; 200 skape; 10 varke; 60 barley geoes; 3 sabres;
1 carbines; 1 pistool.
Die plaas Hooge-Bergs
Valleij in die Tygerberg, nie ver van Kaapstad af nie, het eers aan Claes se
skoonmoeder, Aletta Verwey, die weduwee van Ockert Cornelisz Olivier behoort. (MOOC.
8/4, Inventarissen, 1720–1727, nrs. 67–68).
Sy het op die plaas
gewoon, maar is in ongeveer 1721
oorlede. Na haar dood is die plaas aan
Claas van der Westhuizen verkoop. Die huis het drie kamers
en verskeie buitegeboue gehad.
Op 13/04/1730 verkoop Claes
die slaaf Veronica van Batavia aan die boer Charles Bunham (exile). Buyers domicile (Transit – at sea) – skipper
vir 30 Rds.
September 1732: Ook sijn de onder uijtgedrukte landerijen,
alle in de Tijgerbergen geleegen sijnde, in conformiteijt van het geresolveerde
van den 29e Julij jongstleeden teegens een halven Rijxdr. voor ijder morgen
jaarelijx, voor den tijd van vijftien agtereenvolgende jaaren op het daarom
gedane versoek in erfpagt uijtgegeven geworden, namentlijk aan Anna van
Schalkwijk, weeduwe Brommert, 17 morgen 173 roeden bij haar plaats genaamt
Blommesteijn; deselve 7 morgen 212 roeden bij haar plaats de Doode Kraal; Aletta van Es, weeduwe Vermeij, 7 morgen 144 roeden bij haar plaats Onrust; Hilletje Olivier, wede. Jan Mostert, 8 morgen 577 roeden bij haar plaets
Welgemoedt; Gijsbert Verweij 12 morgen een roed bij sijn plaats Evertsdal;
Gerrit Mos 10 morgen 45 roeden bij sijn plaats het Oude Westhof; Anthonij van Roojen 13 morgen 140 roeden bij sijn plaats Blommendaal; Claas
van der Westhuijsen 5 morgen 108 roeden bij sijn plaets de Hooge Bergs
Valleij; en eijndelijk aan Maria van der Westhuijsen, weeduwe Samuel
Walters, 11 morgen 344 roeden bij haar plaats den Tijgerberg genaamt. (http://databases.tanap.net/cgh/main.cfm?artikelid=22901&zoekwoord=1732)
DIE GRONDEIENAARS VAN
STELLENBOSCH EIENAARS VAN ERWE OP DIE DORP 1693 - ca. 1860 EN EIENAARS VAN
PLASE IN DIE DISTRIK 1680 - ca. 1860 deur JOHANNES VAN DER BIJL
PAARDE VALLEI (eers Paarden
Stal) 40 m 65 r²
'Z Z W: Kleinevallei by
Lourens Rivier; N 0 1/2 0: Hottentots Holland en oude land; N 0: Windberg; W N
W: Andries de Bakker,"
10.1.1707 OSFI189 Frans
van der Stel
27.10.1717 T 1208 Claas
van der Westhuyzen
22.11.1717 T 1212 Nicolaas
van den Heuvel (kyk p. 163)
8.5.1735 Olof de Wet
(trou met wed. Van den Heuvel)
25.3.1748 T 277-7 Jacob
van Rhenen (van Olof de Wet)
2.4.1751 T 2916 Hendrik Emanuel
Blankenberg (getroud met Johanna Ie Febre) Michiel Romond
25.1.1751 Erf
pag brief vir²0 m aan ?
5.9.1760 T 3532 Martin Melck (van M. Romond en Christoffel van der Lipp
getroud met wed. Blankenberg)
3.9.1781 T 5366 Wed. M. Melck (Maria Rosina Loubser)
13.7.1794 T 6 834 Christian Martin Seederblad (getroud met Johanna Smuts)
27.1.1797 T 7132 Johan
Ulrich Kiebourg (van wed. Seederblad)
1.6.1802 T110 Ryno
Johannes van der Riet
1.6.1811 T 111 Wouter
de Vos (Dirk zn.) 1816 QR Wouter de Vos (Dirk zn.) Voeg'n stuk by
2.1817 T 35 Hy verkoop 10 m 60 r² aan wed. Andries Conterman
(Elizabeth van Coller)
9.12.1836 T 773 Dirk
de Vos (Wouter zn.) (van boedel wed. W. de Vos, Rykie van der Byl)
11.3.1842 T 302 De
Vos koop ook Klein Paarde Vlei
15.11.1844 T 1214 Pieter
Lourens Cloete (P. L. zn.) (eienaar van Zandvliet) (van insolvente de Vos)
(https://digital.lib.sun.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10019.2/5912/vanderbijl_grondeienaars.pdf?sequence=10)
PAREL VALLEI 120 m
"Z 0: Hottentots
Holland; Z W: Baai Vals; N 0: Gebergte naar Stellenbosch; N W: Woeste land naar
Moddergat,"
11.3.1699 OSF284 Frans
van der Stel
27.10.1717 T 1203 Claas
van der Westhuyzen
22.11.1717 T 1211 Nicolaas
van den Heuvel (getroud op 26.11.1713 met Maria Segers, dogter van Heinrich
Segers en Helena van der Westhuyzen)
8.5.1735 Olof de Wet
(trou met wed. Van der Heuvel)
26.3.1748 T 2773 Matthiam
Ie Roux (van Olof de Wet)
9.4.1763 T 3844 Philip Wouter de
Vos (getroud met Femina Posthumus)
19.3.1795 T 6926 Wouter
de Vos (Philip zn.) (van wed. P. W. de Vos)
24.11.1796 T7108 Johannes
Albertus Myburgh (verkoop ongeveer 18 m)
(https://digital.lib.sun.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10019.2/5912/vanderbijl_grondeienaars.pdf?sequence=10)
He had damaged his left hand in an accident and was therefore left more than his brothers in his father's will of 1736. (http://www.ballfamilyrecords.co.uk/vanderwesthuizen/I001.html)
He had damaged his left hand in an accident and was therefore left more than his brothers in his father's will of 1736. (http://www.ballfamilyrecords.co.uk/vanderwesthuizen/I001.html)
He died about late 1730s and his widow,
Catharina Olivier went to live with her daughter, Maria Magdalena van de
Westhuizen, who had married Gerrit Olivier, brother of Catharina Olivier’s
father, Ockert Olivier. At Gerrits’ death (c.1747), Maria was already deceased,
and Catharina had incurred ƒ2000 of debt (MOOC 8/6 1738-1748 15/16 124 [pp.
1435, 1440] ), for which her goods had to be sold.
(https://www.sahra.org.za/sahris/sites/default/files/heritagereports/Vos_2009_Bethlehem_Farm153.pdf)
